The Dynamics of Black Sea Subregionalism by Manoli Panagiota

Author:Manoli, Panagiota.
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Taylor & Francis (CAM)
Published: 2012-10-14T16:00:00+00:00

Ukrainian Untapped Potential and Regional Options

Following its independence in 1991 Ukraine, like the other NIS, joined regional organizations serving its autonomous presence in international affairs and diversifying international contacts. Equally urgent was the reinforcement of bilateral and multilateral relations in its immediate vicinity, the latter in a state of flux. Ukrainian engagement in cooperative schemes39 served its two main foreign policy goals; integration within the European structures and balancing the Russian factor with which it has been in close economic dependence (Larrabee 1996: 143–65, Van Ham 1994, Strekal 1995). The country’s future participation in the EU has been one of the priorities of the Ukrainian foreign policy, while normal interaction with Russia has been regarded as a precondition of Ukrainian integration into Europe (Kulinich 1995: 131). The accumulation of experience in dealing with countries with stable market economies would contribute to stabilizing Ukraine’s economy and gradually fulfilling the requirements of an EU associate member (Sharif 1996: 5). At the BSEC meeting in Yalta on 4–5 June 1998, its Minister of Foreign Affairs, Boris Tarasyuk, characterized the formation of a Euro-Black Sea economic space as the BSEC’s main task. Former President Kuchma’s view that, though Ukraine will continue to push for full integration with the EU, relations with Russia and the CIS are equally vital40 has been a constant in Ukrainian politics. With the inauguration of Victor Yushchenko as president in January 2005, Ukraine’s foreign policy was put on a new orbit where its top foreign policy priority became integration into NATO and the EU. The new political elite displayed renewed regional activism upgrading GUAM into an organization, improving relations with Georgia, being more active in regional crisis management either in the Transnistrian conflict or in peacekeeping in South Caucasus, and strengthening the Baltic-Black Sea axis (Larabee 2006: 106). This activism has not survived in the new era that Ukrainian politics entered with Viktor Yanukovych presidential victory in February 2010.

Ukraine has the potential to change geopolitical realities in the Black Sea region and be a key player due to its relative political and economic weight. This potential, however, remains untapped due to the domestic political power struggle linked to the country’s external orientation. Important elements of Ukraine’s independent foreign policy have been compromised for the sake of internal consolidation, economic and political gains. Historical and cultural legacies, political and economic asymmetrical interdependences between the Ukraine and Russia have restrained the country’s policy choices. Ukraine, since its first stage of independence, was among the least of enthusiasts for any close integration that would engage Russia. This attitude was also manifested within the CIS framework where, though a founding member, it has favoured economic cooperation which would, however, not exceed the limits of a free trade zone. It did not join the Collective Security Treaty nor has it joined the Eurasian Economic Community. Difficulties on constructing Ukraine’s relations with Russia on an equal basis not only justified the previous attitude but strengthened pro-EU preferences.

Closer links with its southern and eastern neighbours was of critical importance to Ukraine; it was a potential way out of Russia’s energy hold.

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